Boris Yeltsin
resigned as Russian President
on December 31, 1999, appointing
Vladimir Putin as his successor,
citing hazardous health
characterised by significant alcohol
and smoking usage, a national
economy on the verge of collapse,
and rising governmental corruption.
This work aims to illustrate the
prospects that at the time seemed to
have relations between the Russia of
Yeltsin’s successor, Putin, and the
United States. The period faced
represents an important turning
point on the international scene:
the Soviet Union had collapsed less
than ten years before and the United
States had been the winners of the
Cold War. Bill Clinton’s presidency
marked an important phase of détente
in relations between the powers (in
a period in which the United States
was, in fact, the only world
hyperpower), having considerable
links with the Yeltsin
administration which they allowed
Russia to be fully integrated into
the international order.
It is
particularly useful to remember how
Clinton’s United States actively
supported the reform process
promoted by Yeltsin aimed at
definitively dismantling what
remained of the planned economy of
Soviet heritage. It was therefore a
time when there was a perception of
the real possibility of a global
partnership between powers whose
previous tensions had inflamed
international politics in the
previous 50 years; a climate of
collaboration could be glimpsed,
despite the differences that
persisted between the two countries,
which unfortunately never actually
took place and which seems even more
remote looking at the events of our
present, in particular at what has
been Russia’s foreign policy
starting from the Second War in
Chechnya, passing through the War in
Georgia and the tensions with
Ukraine, culminating in the tragic
invasion of the same that we observe
in these times.
To do this, this
research will use the telephone
conversation preserved in the
National Security Archive on January
1, 2000 between President Clinton
and interim President Putin,
designated as Boris Yeltsin’s
successor by the resigning president
himself.
Focus on the content of the phone
call: premises for a new and
positive partnership?
The first phase
of the telephone conversation sees,
immediately after the reciprocal
greetings of ritual, President
Clinton defines “very
encouraging for the future of
Russian Democracy”
both the statements made by Yeltsin
at the same time as his resignation
and those made by Putin after being
appointed successor by Yeltsin
himself. After stressing the will to
maintain the commitment on the
American side in the continuation of
the partnership with Russia, Clinton
recalls that Washington is still
concerned about the situation in
Chechnya and the Caucasus.
Subsequently, the US President hopes
to be able to meet his Russian
counterpart (involved in the
election campaign) in the near
future.
Putin’s response
is very cordial. The Russian
politician claims to have spoken on
the same day with Yeltsin (who calls
confidentially by name, “Boris
Nikolayevich”),
who asked him to address Clinton’s
best wishes for the New Year. Putin
reports that both deeply appreciated
Clinton’s comment about Yeltsin’s
resignation, calling it “balanced
and well wishing”;
subsequently, he agrees with his
American counterpart on the need to
work to develop and strengthen
cooperation and relations between
the two countries, which Putin
himself had already said two days
earlier in an interview he gave to
CNN.
After a brief
interruption of the link, which was
evidently due to technical problems,
Putin resumed his speech in response
to Clinton’s request for a
face-to-face summit; The Russian
President is very friendly in
accepting the invitation of his
colleague showing great willingness
to organize a meeting “at
any time that is convenient for you”
(for Clinton). Subsequently, Putin
acknowledges the existence of
disagreements on certain issues (the
reference to Chechnya and the
Caucasian region is evident), but he
is convinced that these will not
disturb the relations between Russia
and USA, being the two powers
“together” “on
the core themes”.
Very important is
the subsequent following in which,
citing Clinton himself, Putin
recalls how Yeltsin “did
a lot to destroy the Communist
system and to push Russia the
civilized countries”.
From this it is clear that the
judgment of the former KGB member on
the Soviet political system is
negative, pointing out that the
destruction of the same has been a
condition sine qua non
for the entry into Russia into the
civilized world; in the following
years, Vladimir Putin has not missed
an opportunity to remark, in
numerous statements, his contempt
for the Soviet system. Later, the
Russian President assures that the
process would continue over the next
three months in which he would
continue to hold the Presidency in
anticipation of the Russian
presidential elections, adding that
he is certain that the next tenant
of the Kremlin “will
be a progressive person”.
After this sentence, Putin addresses
to Clinton and the American people
with his best wishes for the new
year, reiterating that he is certain
that a solution will be found
“to all the
questions on which we disagree”.
Returning to the
floor, President Clinton thanks
his counterpart once again and wishes
him well in the New Year. In this
passage, he is deeply available to
the Russian President telling him to
feel free to call it “at
any time, daily or night”:
at least in the words, it is also
clear from the American side the
will to continue the partnership
trying in some way to establish also
a “personal”
relationship with the Russian
counterpart, as in fact Clinton had
done with the same Yeltsin, in
previous years, of whom he became a
close friend. Finally, the President
expressed his closeness to Russia,
which had been severely hit by the
economic crisis, and hoped that it
could be consigned to the past once
and for all.
At this point,
Putin thanks
his colleague and concludes
by admitting that Clinton’s
political path was an “example”
for him and his collaborators,
engaged in the electoral campaign
for the succession of Yeltsin. At
this point, the phone call ends.
Final considerations
This work
attempted to illustrate what, at the
dawn of the third millennium, were
the prospects of relations between
the United States, winners of the
Cold War, and the Russian
Federation, The Soviet Union, of
which Russia itself was the most
important republic. As mentioned
earlier, within ten years many
things had changed: the era of the
bipolar world seemed to have come to
an end, and it was in the interest
of the United States and the entire
international community that Russia
could complete the programme of
political and social modernization
that would enable it to be fully and
effectively involved within the
international system. The United
States had actively supported the
political evolution of the Soviet
Union first (supporting the reforms
of Gorbachev) and then the Russian
Federation (strongly promoting the
reforms of Yeltsin). The document
analyzed shows the possibility of
continuing with optimism on the path
of partnership that the two
countries had undertaken, thanks
also to the perception that Putin
had given himself in the first phase
of his public political career when,
from “simple” former official of the
now-dissolved Soviet secret services
had become the bearer of the
political legacy of Boris Yeltsin,
appeared to all intents and purposes
as a moderate and reformer
politician, able to continue with
determination the reforms of its
predecessor and to accompany Russia
on the path towards economic, social
and political modernization, in
particular in the direction of
building effective democracy. The
tones of the phone call that has
been analyzed seem to go in fact in
this direction, and it definitely
makes an effect to approach this
document at a time when, because of
the War in Ukraine, Relations
between the US Presidency and Putin
are at an all-time low. Putin
himself has shown that trust in him
was misplaced, having committed
actions that have decisively
disproved the reputation of the
moderate and progressive man he was
cloaked with at first. In
particular, it is interesting to
return to the passage in which
Clinton says he is concerned about
the situation in Chechnya and the
Georgia:
Putin’s actions in Russia in both
countries constitute a practical and
tragic testimony of this.